in addition to providing practical information about the project and the conferences, the webpage will make available the four papers written by the steering committee and the papers of the graduate conferences, which will be published in an open access working paper series. Develop close working relations between lse and feps, creating the conditions for extending this collaboration to other projects strengthen the academic profile of both lse and feps phd students with publications, conference papers and skill development contribute to the broader debate on the arab spring and the egyptian transition, especially through the conferences and the project website

4. dr ola el khawaga is a professor of economics at the faculty of economics and political sciences, cairo university feps , she is also the academic supervisor of the euro mediterranean program for master amp phd at the faculty. dr marco pinfari is fellow in global politics at the departments of government and international relations split appointment at lse.

dr mohammad soffar is director of the center of civilization studies and dialogue of cultures at the faculty of economics and political science feps , cairo university. Each political transition underway since the arab spring has its own characteristics, reports a group of researchers who conducted post election surveys in egypt, libya and tunisia. A one size fits all approach to the transition processes – and particularly to development assistance aimed at fostering democratization – is unlikely to be effective, explain lindsay benstead of portland state university ellen lust, yale university dhafer malouche, essai gamal soltan, auc and jakob wichmann, jmw consulting. Instead, government assistance should be applied on a case by case basis, including expanded focus on the less educated and rural classes and ensuring that increased participation in elections contributes to new voices on policies. Greater understanding of needs for many specific interests, both the sidelined and enfranchised, inside each country and beyond could help build compromise required for democratic process and prevent violent response. � yaleglobal where the votes are: crowds jostle to vote in rural tunisia top egyptian women queue up to cast ballot tripoli: transitions in egypt, libya, and tunisia have yet to extend opportunities for political participation and good governance.

Frustration with the slow, halting progress in bringing representative democracy there might lead foreigners to recommend a procrustean solution, but what the countries need is a differentiated approach. The ouster of president mohamed morsi and the violent repression of his supporters in egypt highlight the fragility of representative institutions vis vis the ideological divide and conflicting interests. While its transition process has been the most successful to date, the hard task of ratifying the constitution and holding elections lies ahead. Libya faces the challenge of armed militias and building the capacity and legitimacy of state institutions. Behind headlines focusing on national struggles lurk differences in who is empowered, who is sidelined, in the transition processes.

The challenges and possibilities for international efforts aimed at strengthening democratic politics are not uniform across the countries. A one size fits all approach to the transition processes ndash and particularly to development assistance aimed at fostering democratization ndash is unlikely to be effective. g overnance programs emphasize women and youth ndash based on assumptions that are only partly true. Three assumptions underpin this approach: first, that youth have been under represented, and could mobilize and undermine stability second, that women are sidelined and under represented in the public sphere and third, that women and youth have needs and preferences not otherwise met. In both egypt as well as tunisia, women are less engaged in political parties and participate less in elections. The gap between men and women voting in egypt has decreased following the revolution, but the opposite holds true in tunisia, where women and men voted with near equal frequency before the transition, but women lagged behind in the october 2011 elections that followed. 2011 protest in sana'a, yemen wikimedia, sallam claims about the internet’s impact on the political upheaval in the middle east and north africa abound in popular discourse and news reports.

Yet there is a fierce and still unresolved debate about what role social and digital media played in catalyzing and sustaining the arab spring. Of course, the outcome of many of the national struggles particularly those in egypt and syria are still deeply uncertain years after the rebellions began to unfold. And the ultimate outcomes may color how initial events are interpreted in the longer view of history. A 2013 study in journalism, framing bouazizi: ‘white lies’, hybrid network, and collective/connective action in the 2010 11 tunisian uprising, looks at the roots of the first successful popular rebellion, in tunisia.

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The suicide of street vendor mohamed bouazizi is widely seen as having sparked the rebellion that brought down the tunisian government and then spread to egypt. The study, by merlyna lim of arizona state university, looks at why bouazizis death and the demonstrations that followed werent as easily dismissed by the authorities as earlier events had been: in particular, his suicide was filmed and facts were adjusted to frame the death in a way that appealed to a broad range of tunisians. A 2012 report from the pew research center’s global attitudes project, social networking popular across globe: arab publics most likely to express political views online, looks at the distinct online dynamics of nations in the region: in egypt and tunisia, two nations at the heart of the arab spring, more than 6 in 10 social networkers share their views about politics online. In contrast, across 20 of the nations surveyed, a median of only 34% post their political opinions. Similarly, in egypt, tunisia, lebanon and jordan, more than 7 in 10 share views on community issues, compared with a cross national median of just 46%.

For comparative perspective on asia and africa, see a 2012 study from ohio state university and the university of washington published in the journal of communication. Internet use and democratic demands: a multinational, multilevel model of internet use and citizen attitudes about democracy. For those wanting to understand how the western press interacted with and amplified certain dynamics, this paper offers interesting perspective: sourcing the arab spring: a case study of andy carvin’s sources during the tunisian and egyptian revolutions. The following are studies that bring a scholarly lens to questions around the arab spring and its roots. The consequences of the internet for politics, usefully highlights some of the papers. An even more comprehensive list of scholarly papers and resources relating to communications, media and the arab spring has been compiled by patrick mccurdy of the university of ottawa, david brake of the university of bedfordshire and zeynep tufekci of the university of north carolina, chapel hill. Abstract: by delving into the detailed account of the tunisian uprising, this article offers an explanation that sets the 2010 uprising apart from its precursors.

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The 2010 uprising was successful because activists successfully managed to bridge geographical and class divides as well as to converge offline and online activisms. Such connection and convergence were made possible, first, through the availability of dramatic visual evidence that turned a local incident into a spectacle. Second, by successful frame alignment with a master narrative that culturally and politically resonated with the entire population.