Note to conservatives: want to know the best way to find savings in government assistance programs? here’s a hint it’s not by cutting nutrition assistance to working people who are struggling. A new report from the economic policy institute indicates that raising the federal minimum wage to $12 by 2020 would lift wages for more than 35 million workers nationwide and generate about $17 billion annually in savings to government assistance programs. In contrast to the stereotypes and lies about people with low incomes, the reality is that a majority of public assistance recipients either have a job or have an immediate family member who is working. In fact, 41.2 million working americans or 30 percent of the workforce receive means tested public assistance. From 1992 to 2014, compensation per executive in the limited deductibility categories rose more rapidly by about 650 percent, to $8.2 million from $1.1 million than compensation in categories such as stock options and incentive pay that arent subject to deductibility limits. A leading academic expert on executive compensation practices, said when told what our study showed.

Balsam is a professor at temple universitys fox school of business who published a 2012 study on the deduction cap for the economic policy institute. Pacific standard february 19, 2016 those minimums would dethrone massachusetts where the statewide rate will climb to $11 an hour next year from the top spot, according to d.c. An economic analyst the economic policy institute, said he applauds the oregon legislature for its creative tiered approach, but did express hesitation. I think any time you create these sorts of somewhat arbitrary geographic districts, thats when you can create opportunities for some sort of economic disruption, he said. I would prefer the whole state got to the same wage level but at a slower pace by region so that everyone is held to the same standard.

He said repeatedly that he decided to run only after lobbying florida’s congressional delegation to vote against fast tracking the trans pacific partnership, a corporate friendly free trade agreement that the economic policy institute argues will depress wages and accelerate the decline in u.s. Policy papers are different from the standard research papers in several respects: they are usually addressed at a non academic audience. Such as a particular official, agency, or organization they often focus on prescriptive questions. they may begin by diagnosing a particular issue or situation, and typically argue for a solution that will address that issue or situation often, policy papers are focused on being persuasive. The intention is to convince the target audience that your position is the correct one.

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This is also important for research papers, but it tends to be absolutely critical in policy papers. Policy papers are written efficiently. the audience often does not have much time and does not want to read a book on the subject. Indeed, often policy papers are accompanied by policy briefs which summarize the papers in a page or less. As with research papers, there is not just one way to write a policy paper.the university of texas has a nice website with a detailed model, suggestions for writing policy analysis. On philips contributions, the co chairs remarked: philip has been a key part of the economic policy team for many years.

He was a dedicated, energetic managing editor who will be greatly missed philip is succeeded by andrea ichino, whose term commenced on 1 january 2015. In further changes, economic policy welcomes new senior editor kevin hjortshøj orourke, as successor to richard baldwin. We are delighted to have kevin on board and look forward to continuing the journals growth in strength and impact with his guidance. No shortage of nonstandard jobs even in the midst of a booming economy, with wages rising and unemployment at historic lows, reliance by the u.s.

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Economy on nonstandard jobs part time work, independent contracting, temping, on call work, day labor, and self employment remains as strong as ever. Employers argue that these jobs also called contingent work provide the flexibility needed to be competitive. But these perceived advantages notwithstanding, as of 1997, most nonstandard workers, on average, were paid less, were less likely to receive health insurance or a pension, and had less job security than workers in regular full time jobs. The disparities between nonstandard and regular full time jobs persist even when comparing workers with similar personal, educational, and job characteristics. Some types of nonstandard work indeed pay high wages, but even these arrangements are usually deficient with respect to fringe benefits and job security.

Compared to regular employment, these jobs are also characterized by a higher degree of wage variability among workers. In other words, while some nonstandard workers may be highly paid, other nonstandard workers in the same type of arrangement receive significantly lower wages, and these pay differentials are greater than the differentials for regular full time workers. But the most common types of nonstandard work arrangements such as temping and part time work are, on average, inferior in all respects to regular full time jobs. Moreover, most nonstandard workers are employed in the worst kinds of nonstandard jobs.

This report examines the contingent work supplement to the current population survey cps , compiled by the bureau of labor statistics in 1997. This survey was first fielded in 1995 and provided the first nationally representative examination of contingent and nonstandard work. Those data were examined in the economic policy institute studies nonstandard work, substandard jobs 1997 and managing work and family 1997. This report examines the 1997 data and updates much of the analyses presented in nonstandard work, substandard jobs. Additional information and updates to the tables from nonstandard work, substandard jobs not explicitly referenced here can be found at the economic policy institute web site at w.epinet.org. Between 1995 and 1997, the prevalence and the quality of nonstandard work changed little.

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Moreover, in the areas in which the quality of nonstandard jobs has improved, these improvements have been far less evident for women than for men. Women and minorities continue to be disproportionately employed in nonstandard jobs with low wages and no benefits, while white men are over represented in nonstandard work arrangements with the best wages and benefits. Among the specific findings from the cps data are the following: in 1997, 28.7% of american workers about one out of three women 33.7% and one out of four men 24.3% worked in nonstandard jobs, down slightly from 29.4% in 1995.

Workers in all nonstandard work arrangements are more likely than workers in regular jobs to receive low and poverty level wages. Most types of nonstandard workers average lower wages than do full time workers with similar personal characteristics, including education. Among nonstandard workers, just 13.6% of women and 11.6% of men receive health insurance coverage from their employers. Only 15.7% of female workers and 9.3% of male workers in nonstandard arrangements receive pension coverage.

Compared to workers with similar personal characteristics in regular full time jobs, the hourly wage penalties for women in nonstandard jobs are 20% for regular part time workers, 18% for temps, 26% for the self employed, 20% for on call workers, and 7% for independent contractors. For men, the wage penalties amount to 27% for regular part time workers, 15% for temps, 11% for the self employed, 10% for on call workers, and 1% for independent contractors. While it is true that many workers prefer the flexibility provided by some kinds of nonstandard jobs, large numbers of workers feel compelled to accept these arrangements for economic and personal reasons beyond their control.